BJP’s president Amit Shah was presenting the model of saffron socialism at the same time as the leadership left from the womb of socialism was abandoning the question of caste and representation. In Uttar Pradesh and across the country, he installed Prime Minister Narendra Modi as a backward leader. By spreading conflict and confusion among non-Yadav, non-Jatav castes, the BJP made non-Yadav non-Jatav castes a leader even in the organization, assembly and Lok Sabha, the Center and states. The concept of saffron socialism is built on this vicious foundation of casteism.
The Jatiya belonging to the backward class are like the working castes engaged in farming and farming. It has been such an important section of the nation that has been marginalized for thousands of years in terms of equal opportunity, land ownership and rights. After independence, voices such as Lalai Singh Yadav, Karpoori Thakur, Ram Swaroop Verma, Lohia to Periyar, Kanshi Ram, Abdul Jalil Faridi were born from this unique class. He took up this toiling people, woke them up and said that whatever is between this earth and the sky is as much as the right of the affluent people.
As a result of this, social justice leaders like Lalu Prasad Yadav, Jagdev Kushwaha, Mulayam Singh Yadav, Mayawati, Ram Vilas Paswan, Sharad Yadav, Mitrasen Yadav fought fiercely in these 80s and 90s from these same societies. Who had been the Kawadh lift brigade of Manuvadis for centuries. Former Prime Minister VP Singh implemented Mandal commission to this marginalized society and provided 27% reservation in jobs and education, due to the struggle of these socialist leaders, backward or Bahujan Samaj became a collector from a peon!
The vision of saffron socialism is part of a concoction. Through this, the RSS tried to win the 2017 assembly by dividing Bahujan / proletarian castes. He cleverly created an atmosphere of hatred among the non-Yadav backward castes by saying that the Yadavs have captured all the financial sources. The Uttar Pradesh Public Service Commission was called the Yadav Commission to create an atmosphere of hatred, whereas after 2017, in the entire nation’s jobs, if you look at the manner of posting of Uttar Pradesh, its character looks grossly upper casteist.
After the Mandal commission, the political history in Uttar Pradesh is witness that whether it was Kanshi Ram or Mulayam Singh Yadav, the leaders of social justice made such leaders, MPs, MLAs from the backward castes from such marginalized society that the Mandal commission was not Could not stand anywhere in the state.
If we look at the activities of the central government, which is becoming a Dalit-backward community, it is known that the BJP government at the center seems to be preaching the name of Ambedkar but the society knows that the BJP government has held millions of jobs in Grade B and C. Because jobs have come, it will become a compulsion to give a large part to these castes. Amit Shah’s attempt to win elections by promoting saffron communism and calling Prime Minister Narendra Modi an OBC was successful, but it is also true that all those castes of Dalit backward are standing empty-handed today in terms of jobs. There is a range of jobs in the private sector.
In furthering the neoliberal policies, the Narendra Modi government has set a new record. In this country, the BJP government could not be formed without taking the vote of Bahujan / proletariat, so by chanting the names of Mahatma Phule, Ambedkar and Lohia, it was complete to sell lakhs of jobs in the country’s established national industries or Navratna companies and sell them in private hands. The process has been decided.
The intellectual class has an important role to play in policy making, running the country. In 2006, 27% reservation in education was brought by the then HRD Minister Arjun Singh, as a result of which Dalit-backward representation in universities increased rapidly. The people of this society were already hung in the jobs of teachers, but the anti-reservation forces could not digest the reservation in the universities of the country. Under the new policy, Human Resources Minister Prakash Javedkar has done reservation in educational jobs at university level and at the department level.
Everyone knows that no Dalit-backward will get a job if five posts are left in the department. Surprisingly, even doing all this, Narendra Modi says that he is a disciple of Dr. BR Ambedkar. Sangh chief Mohan Bhagwat also collects one lakh Dalits in Meerut and his pro-central government is also taken on the fellowship to be given to Dalits and OBCs in higher education.
Yogi Adityanath, who is called the champion of saffron socialism and the nationally promoted OBC prime minister, should be asked how the representation of Dalit-backward in 215 advertised jobs in four big universities in April 2018 shrunk to 3, while Its population is 70% in the country. Is it not the Modi government’s game to take reservations?
Similarly, the representation of Dalits and Backwards was 65 in the 65 posts released in Tamil Nadu Central University. His representation was only one of the 52 posts held at Indira Gandhi National Tribal Central University, Amarkantak. In Atal Bihari Vajpayee Hindi University, the dalits and backwards were demoted from advertised positions in Bhopal to zero. During this period, the Haryana Central University brought out advertisements for 80 vacancies in which the participation of Dalits and Backward Classes.
It was zero.
All this is happening during the tenure of the same government which is selling Baba Saheb Bhim Rao Ambedkar’s name the most. Prime Minister Narendra Modi will continue to be a disciple of Babasaheb even after taking votes by tricking Bahujans. If the MPs who won the votes of the Dalits and OBCs wanted an “All Dalit MPs Forum” created for their society, then this deception given to the Bahujans could have been stopped, but the opposite happened.
Ram Vilas Paswan, a leader of the Mandal Commission in the Narendra Modi government, appeared to be advocating reservation for the upper castes and his son Chirag Paswan believes that the reserve seats for Dalits should be abolished. This is when he himself wins the election from an unprotected seat. Now, the youth forces, which are in favor of Dalit-Backward-minority social justice, will have to come forward with this losing battle.
Pitch of social justice vs RSS
I can say about the Sangh that since 2014 it has drawn a line in the country, and the opposition has become a pawn on its bed. His attempt is to limit the political line to a few fixed slots which is difficult for anyone to break, for example, a Muslim is a terrorist. Congress is a party of Muslims and Muslims. The socialist government supports the Muslim-terrorists. The Yadav caste has taken away the rights of other OBC ethnicities, etc.
Their system of lies and rumors is so fast that when the Sangh workers put up branches in the park in the morning to provoke the poor weaker sections, the rest of the society is asleep. This is a pitch that blows up the honest efforts of development, flyovers, expressways. Then you start playing by pitching RSS. In this pitch, you are afraid that if you spoke in support of reservation or on the excesses being committed against Muslims, then the votes will be polarized and you also lose the Bahujan / proletarian society in the circle of all society. Unless the pitch is razed by the RSS, nothing can be spoiled by the forces dancing to communalism.
If today’s socialist parties share these sections in the party organization on the basis of numbers, economic sources of the country, then this pitch of RSS can be demolished. If this does not happen, the RSS will succeed in spreading the dream of this socialist country. If the BJP returns to power again after 2019, it is very possible that the Constitution should also be clear. And for this, the forces of social justice will be largely responsible.